Prime Minister Patrick Manning owes the population of this country a much fuller and more coherent explanation for his announcement last week that he had designated the "supply of LNG to Jamaica for the stimulation of investments in the alumina sector to be a matter of national priority." In placing the issue of this country supplying LNG to Jamaica back on the frontburner, Mr Manning would have had in mind the fact that the natural gas price situation in the US has forced T&T to seek alternate markets.
Falling prices in the US market have meant that 39 per cent of LNG shipments have gone to the US this year compared with 69 per cent in 2008, but exports to Europe have grown by 50 per cent in the first quarter from a year earlier. In analysing whether there is natural gas available to sell to Jamaica, Mr Manning may have contemplated using either the natural gas that is available to Petrotrin from its 19.5 per cent stake in the North Coast Marine Area (NCMA) operated by British Gas or the tranche of natural gas that is available to the Government from bpTT in lieu of that company paying a higher royalty rate. While state-owned Petrotrin owns almost one-fifth of the NCMA, the natural gas from the field is tightly linked to specific requirements to supply contracted amounts of gas to Trains II, III and IV. NCMA, for example, is contracted to supply 240 million standard cubic feet per day (MMcfd) of gas to Train II for up to 20 years and about 80 MMcfd to Train IV. It would be very costly, time-consuming and damaging to T&T's reputation as a good place for energy companies to do business to break these contracts.
The bpTT tranche of "royalty" natural gas, on the other hand, currently amounts to 135 MMcfd and will eventually peak at 180 MMcfd. This gas is available to the Government to do pretty much as it wishes–within the bounds of what is legal and what makes good business sense. A feasibility study conducted by the Jamaican company Petrojam in 2002 identified total potential LNG demand of 220 MMcfd and estimated that the alumina companies would account for 62 per cent of the total demand–or 136 MMcfd. The fact that the 2002 estimate of the demand for LNG by Jamaica's alumina industry is almost identical to the quantity of "royalty" natural gas that is now available to T&T must have seemed very fortuitous, even tempting, to Mr Manning when the numbers were brought to his attention.
In other words, if Prime Minister Manning and his Cabinet were so minded, they could arrange for T&T's "royalty" natural gas to be processed through Train IV (which allows for that type of arrangement) and made available to Jamaica's alumina refineries. Given sufficient political will, this can be done very quickly. This is especially so if there is a meeting of the minds on what LNG price would be commercially acceptable to both T&T and Jamaica's alumina producers. If the Cabinet decided to go in that direction, it would almost certainly mean a sharp reduction in the cost of production at Jamaica's four alumina refineries and would stimulate significant new investment in the expansion of one of that island's major foreign exchange earners. What's more, such a decision by a T&T Cabinet would mean the return to work of thousands of Jamaican workers who have been laid off as a result of the closure of three of the four alumina refineries.
But the questions remain: should this "royalty" natural gas be diverted from its use in producing electricity in Trinidad to producing electricity in Jamaica–at any price? Would diverting the gas from Point Lisas to Kingston mean that T&T citizens and manufacturing companies will eventually have to pay more for electricity, while Jamaican citizens and companies have to pay less? And, in the context of a resource that is depleting quickly, would it be sensible for the Cabinet here to eschew the continued monetisation of natural gas for the benefit of T&T taxpayers to assist an alumina industry in Jamaica, which is owned by foreign multinationals including a Russian billionaire? Helping our Caribbean brothers is one thing. But Prime Minister Manning would have to conceptualise and deliver an extremely compelling case in order to persuade us that selling "royalty" gas to Jamaica makes much sense.
