There is a theory that is picking up some traction that one of the reasons for Prime Minister Patrick Manning's decision to call a snap general election is that it might be better for him to lose the poll and allow the Opposition to inherit the bitter chalice of an empty Treasury. This is one of the more implausible explanations for what is as yet a difficult decision to comprehend. It is implausible because whichever political party forms the next Government after the general election will preside over a Treasury which, while not bursting at the seams, is a very long way from being empty. T&T's net official reserves in December 2009 amounted to US$8.7 billion. This was the equivalent of approximately 12.4 months of prospective imports of goods and non-factor services.
While this is a long way from the US$9.8 billion in net official reserves that the Central Bank recorded in December 2008, the country should be clear that T&T's reserves have declined because it is earning less money today from its energy exports than it did in the halcyon days of 2008. The statistics also mean that while this country is exporting less than at the peak, its demand for imports has also declined substantially as a result of the siege mentality that many people in the country have adopted. People who are fearful that the new administration will inherit an empty Treasury should also be assured by the fact that T&T's foreign reserves exclude the US$3 billion that is being held in the Heritage and Stabilisation Fund (HSF).
It would seem that this Government has opted to emphasise the heritage element of the fund rather than the stabilisation element, although one of the specific purposes for which the HSF was established was to "cushion the impact on or sustain public expenditure capacity during periods of revenue downturn whether caused by a fall in prices of crude oil or natural gas." The rules of the HSF allow the Government to withdraw monies from the fund when the petroleum revenues collected in any financial year fall below the estimated petroleum revenues for that financial year by at least ten per cent. According to the January 2010 Economic Bulletin, a document produced by the Central Bank, the Government collected $15.9 billion in oil revenues in the 2009 fiscal year–from October 2008 to September 2009. This was about half as much as the $30.2 billion that it collected for the 12-month period ending September 2008. The rules of the HSF allow a government to make withdrawals from the fund of either 60 per cent of the amount of the shortfall of petroleum revenues for that year or 25 per cent of the balance in the fund at the beginning of the year, whichever is the lesser amount.
The Government could have tapped the HSF for $4.5 billion (which would have been 25 per cent of the total in the fund). Instead, the Government chose to fund the $7.5 billion fiscal deficit largely by accessing the local capital market–which is starved of access to high-quality, TT dollar investments–and by drawing down on some of its TT dollar balances with the Central Bank. In other words, even despite the perceived excesses of the Government during the period of the so-called natural gas boom, with prudent management of its resources T&T in 2010 is a long way away from 1986 when the ruling PNM was swept away by the National Alliance for Reconstruction, led by then Prime Minister ANR Robinson. This is not to say that whichever party forms the Government after the upcoming general election will have an easy sailing. It is simply to make the point that any comparison between 1986 and 2010 is bound to flounder on the sharp rocks of the facts of T&T's recent economic history.