?The outcome of general elections in the Caribbean over the last three years is hardly an indication as to how the electorate here will make a determination about the choice of party to govern for the next five years.
However, because of the interconnectedness of the politics and the economics and the drift of Caribbean peoples, it could be useful to at least examine what has happened in elections stretching over the last few years in the region. Of the ten general elections counted over the period, ruling parties have been defeated seven of those times, only the ruling Dominica Labour Party, the St Kitts/Nevis Labour Party and the United Progressive Party in Antigua/Barbuda have survived. Further, the ruling Unity Labour Party in St Vincent and the Grenadines, led by the ebullient Ralph Gonsalves, lost a referendum late last year on the issue of becoming a republican state away from the British monarchy. But as you read this, the UPP of Baldwin Spencer in Antigua is fighting for survival, the High Court having ruled against the legality of how the party won three of the seats in the elections of last year. So here again, depending on the ruling of the Eastern Caribbean Court of Appeal, another ruling party could be in trouble.
Stalwart and long-standing leaders such as Owen Arthur, Keith Mitchell and Kenny Anthony have been unceremoniously dislodged from their positions of comfort and seeming impregnability. And while the Government of Ralph Gonsalves has survived, the population certainly sent a message to him and his team that they should not take its support for granted and behave as if winning a general election is a blank cheque to do as the regime pleases. In the instance of the Barbados Labour Party of Owen Arthur, seeking a fourth straight term, and seeming to be invincible, the BLP lost because of the "scandals and allegations of corruption surrounding" the party in office, analysed a major Bajan publication post the 2008 election. The New National Party of Keith Mitchell suffered a similar fate in Grenada, that party having governed the country for three consecutive terms, including winning all seats in 1999. But the NNP met its Waterloo in 2008, losing to the National Democratic Congress of Tillman Thomas. Once again allegations of corruption and the seeming lack of respect for the views of the wider society were said to be central to the defeat of Mr Mitchell. The defeat of Kenny Anthony and the St Lucia Labour Party was also said to have resulted from too long a stint in office and the electorate feeling the need for change.
In T&T, the electorate, having spent 30 long years with the PNM, moved in 1986 to a new option, a coalition of the opposition forces. Thereafter, the major parties were shuttled in and out of office at almost every election. But the PNM has stood firm these last nine years, having been put there by President Robinson in the infamous circumstances of the 18-18 tie. Through a combination of using its time in office to consolidate itself and the fragmentation among the opposition parties, the PNM has survived. With the opposition forces appearing to come together, are Prime Minister Manning and his party in danger of following the regional trend of the last few years? Or is there a possibility that Mr Manning will buck the regional trend as a result of the weaknesses and failures of the coalition governments in T&T and in the Caribbean, along with the improvement in the standard of living of thousands of people in this country in the last decade? The campaign has only just begun and it is far too early to say if the Caribbean trend–which saw 70 per cent of ruling parties being voted out of office–will be continued here.