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Wednesday, April 9, 2025

Recovering the Garifuna of Youroumayn

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20121219

VS Naipaul's in­fa­mous com­ment that "Noth­ing ever hap­pened in the West In­dies" suc­cinct­ly sum­maris­es a Eu­ro­cen­tric read­ing of Caribbean his­to­ri­og­ra­phy, which has launched a thou­sand and some con­tro­ver­sies. Yet even be­fore the pub­li­ca­tion of Naipaul's The Mid­dle Pas­sage, his dim view was con­test­ed by CLR James' his­to­ry of the Hait­ian Rev­o­lu­tion The Black Ja­cobins (1938) and Er­ic William's Cap­i­tal­ism and Slav­ery. Over the last 40 years Caribbean his­to­ri­og­ra­phy has been de- and then re-con­struct­ed, from mul­ti­ple Cre­ole per­spec­tives.

How­ev­er, while we now have a much clear­er pic­ture of most of the post-Columbian ar­rivants, the sto­ry of a unique Cre­ole peo­ple ex­iled from their is­land home­land over two cen­turies ago, might well have been lost to all but a small co­terie of an­thro­pol­o­gists, were it not for the re­search of Eng­lish­man Christo­pher Tay­lor and his re­cent­ly pub­lished The Black Carib Wars.

The Gar­i­fu­na di­as­po­ra in Cen­tral and North Amer­i­ca now num­bers more than 250,000, de­scen­dants of the sur­viv­ing 2,026 Black Caribs ex­iled by the British in 1797 from St Vin­cent and de­posit­ed on the Hon­duran is­land of Roatan. That the Gar­i­fu­na sur­vived, is tes­ta­ment to their fierce­ly in­de­pen­dent spir­it and their skills as con­tin­u­al adap­tive mi­grants. That the book got pub­lished, is due to the in­spi­ra­tion stim­u­lat­ed in the au­thor on hear­ing Wati­na, an al­bum of tra­di­tion­al Gar­i­fu­na songs, giv­en mod­ern arrange­ments, de­liv­ered by the mul­ti-gen­er­a­tional Gar­i­fu­na Col­lec­tive band, front­ed by Be­lize-born Andy Pala­cio, and vot­ed the Best Ever World Mu­sic Al­bum in 2007.

The sto­ry of the Gar­i­fu­na is one of the ear­li­est ex­er­cis­es in Mar­ronage, Cre­oliza­tion and col­o­niza­tion. The oral tra­di­tion, rather than doc­u­ment­ed his­to­ry, sug­gests that in 1635, or pos­si­bly as late as 1675, a slave ship foundered off the coast of Be­quia in the Grenadines; some of slaves-to-be swim­ming to safe­ty on the shores of Yurmein (St Vin­cent), where they in­ter­min­gled with the in­dige­nous Caribs.

Like the Bush Ne­groes of Suri­name and the Palen­queros of Colom­bia's Caribbean coast the Gar­i­fu­na were nev­er en­slaved. It was their de­ter­mi­na­tion to re­sist slav­ery, col­o­niza­tion or any form of im­posed con­trol which ac­count­ed both for their sur­vival in St Vin­cent (long af­ter the de­feat of their yel­low cousins in the oth­er is­lands of the Less­er An­tilles) and for their ul­ti­mate demise. As Tay­lor notes in his in­tro­duc­tion; 'St Vin­cent was the site of the last bat­tle of peo­ple liv­ing a tra­di­tion­al lifestyle against the Eu­ro­pean colo­nial­ists any where in the is­lands. It was here that the Caribbean saw its Lit­tle Big Horn and its Wound­ed Knee.'

The sto­ry of the Gar­i­fu­na al­so epit­o­mis­es the clash be­tween the Old and New Worlds, the "prim­i­tive" and the "civ­i­lized;" the No­ble Sav­age and the ex­pe­di­en­cy of ig­nobly sav­age nascent Cap­i­tal­ism. Fol­low­ing the first Eng­lish set­tle­ment in St Kitts in 1623, the die was cast: the com­bined Eng­lish/French mas­sacre of Tegre­mon's camp was the first of a se­ries of culls in­tend­ed to clear new lands of Caribs, just as the Tain­os of the Greater An­tilles had been so ef­fec­tive­ly re­moved by the Span­ish.

Al­though both Do­mini­ca and St Vin­cent were ini­tial­ly left as neu­tral ter­ri­to­ries, due to their pre­cip­i­tous and large­ly in­ac­ces­si­ble vol­canic ter­rain, as the soil of the ear­li­est es­tab­lished British sug­ar colonies in Ja­maica and Bar­ba­dos be­came ex­haust­ed, greedy eyes turned to St Vin­cent, which by the turn of the 18th cen­tu­ry had be­come the head­quar­ters of the Caribs. If any jus­ti­fi­ca­tion was need­ed for the im­pend­ing land grab, there was al­ways the au­thor­i­ty of Sir Thomas More's Utopia 1516: "They con­sid­er it a most just cause for war when a peo­ple which does not use its soil but keeps it idle and waste nev­er­the­less for­bids the use and pos­ses­sion of it by oth­ers who by rule of na­ture ought to be main­tained by it.'

Be­sides the sup­posed "waste" of land (which in fact the Caribs de­lib­er­ate­ly left un­cul­ti­vat­ed, apart from their pro­vi­sion gar­dens, as hunt­ing grounds) the British re­ject­ed ter­ri­to­r­i­al claims by the Black Caribs, who had set­tled sep­a­rate­ly from the orig­i­nal Yel­low or Red Caribs on the fer­tile north west of the is­land. They dis­missed them as "mere run­away slaves, who had no right to free­dom let alone the land they lived on."

When the Treaty of Paris even­tu­al­ly end­ed St Vin­cent's neu­tral­i­ty in 1763, ced­ing the is­land to Eng­land, the Black Caribs mount­ed a slow guer­ril­la re­sis­tance, led by war chief Joseph Cha­toy­er: 'They act with great cau­tion, and the woods are so thick, that they knock our men down, with the great­est se­cu­ri­ty to them­selves, as it is im­pos­si­ble we can see them.' In 1768 Cha­toy­er suc­cess­ful­ly blocked the con­struc­tion of a road in­to Black Carib ter­ri­to­ry, re­al­iz­ing this would be a fa­tal bridge­head ca­pa­ble of de­liv­er­ing British troops and sup­plies.

Con­cil­ia­to­ry ne­go­ti­a­tions were used by the Black Caribs as de­lay­ing tac­tics, in the hope their French al­lies would come to their aid. The British Lt Gov­er­nor Fitz­mau­rice cor­rect­ly con­clud­ed in 1771 that: "We are now con­vinced all treaty and ne­go­ti­a­tion will be fruit­less...we con­ceive it im­pos­si­ble that so small an is­land can long con­tin­ue di­vid­ed be­tween a civilised peo­ple and sav­ages, who are bound by no ties of law or re­li­gion."

The in­evitable took an­oth­er 26 years. The First Carib War end­ed in 1773 with the Black Caribs for­feit­ing some 4,000 acres of prime land. In the d&ea­cute;tente that fol­lowed the war, land com­mis­sion­er Sir William Young at­tempt­ed to draw the Black Caribs in­to the colo­nial eco­nom­ic sys­tem ar­gu­ing that: "Mon­ey civ­i­lizes in the first in­stance as it cor­rupts in the last; the sav­age labour­ing for him­self, soon ceas­es to be a sav­age; the slave to mon­ey be­comes a sub­ject to gov­ern­ment, and he be­comes a use­ful sub­ject."

The d&ea­cute;tente could not sur­vive the fall­out of the 1789 French Rev­o­lu­tion and the re­newed war be­tween France and Eng­land. The Black Caribs, nat­u­ral­ly dis­posed to such rev­o­lu­tion­ary con­cepts as lib­er­ty and equal­i­ty threw in their lot with rev­o­lu­tion­ary agent Vic­tor Hugues against the British and might have con­tin­ued wag­ing guer­ril­la war­fare in­def­i­nite­ly but for the cat­a­stroph­ic death in bat­tle of Cha­toy­er in 1795. Af­ter this and the ar­rival of Sir Ralph Aber­crom­by in 1796, with the mis­sion of re­cov­er­ing Britain's West In­di­an pos­ses­sions, ban­ish­ment and ex­ile were the cru­el co­da for the Black Caribs.

Tay­lor's vo­lu­mi­nous re­search of archives has res­cued an­oth­er lost chap­ter of pre­vi­ous­ly un­writ­ten Caribbean his­to­ry. Cha­toy­er be­longs along with Hat­uey and Tou­s­saint in the pan­theon of Cre­ole he­roes. Al­though UN­ESCO de­clared the Black Carib cul­ture (song, dance and lan­guage) part of hu­man­i­ty's her­itage back in 2001, un­til now the Gar­i­fu­na have re­mained large­ly in­vis­i­ble in the is­lands. The Black Carib Wars, re­stores them both to their right­ful place in Youroumayn and the wider Caribbean.


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