Months before the Haitian catastrophe struck on January 12, the UNC party had been experiencing political convulsions. The tremors were felt throughout the rainbow isle, assuming the dimensions of a national upheaval, the mother of all elections. Throughout Trinidad and Tobago, the Caribbean and its diaspora, populations looked on with interest at the shifting of three tectonic plates with fault lines running from the Rienzi epicentre toward Couva North, Siparia and Tabaquite. Political strategies, gender, race and class all converged in an explosive temblor, a seismic movement culminating in a massive earthquake, measuring 13.5 on the Richter scale, which rocked the UNC party and ravaged the incumbent slate on that fateful night of January 24, 2010.
Political Strategies
In typical Panday style, the Silver Fox adopted an offensive strategy the minute he returned from England on January 5, openly declaring war on his opponents to save the party. "If you see me and a lion fighting, he roared, feel sorry for the lion–or the lioness." Interpreted as violent rhetoric designed to destroy Kamla, his strategy was described as goonda politics by the Hindu Women's Organisation, and later as caveman politics by his worthy opponent, Kamla Persad-Bissessar. It was a twofold strategy, which aimed, first, to denigrate her on the basis of an alleged weakness, and second, to paint her as an agent of the dreaded COP, which wanted to hijack his party. Both strategies would backfire; firstly, because the chutney posse had never been averse to alcohol, and secondly, because they had no problems with unity with the COP if it could help them win a general election without compromising the UNC leadership. Kamla adopted a fourfold defensive strategy, first by referring to Panday as a loser who could not win a general election (but she could); second by categorically denying allegations of any weakness; third by assuring supporters that she will not "sell out the party" and relinquish leadership under any circumstance; and fourth, by invoking the guru/chaala relationship.
Kamla's primary strategy was to project powerfully the goal of governance. It accounts for the campaign assuming the dimensions of a national election. Adopting an Obama-style campaign with the rhetoric of change, she deliberately presented herself as a dignified stateswoman, whose objective converged with that of the electorate. They all wanted the same thing–to move from opposition into government, and she was the only one who could get them out of the opposition rot. Throughout the campaign, Kamla poignantly evoked the rallying cry for prime ministership, as she consistently focused on the objective of taking the UNC into government, which is exactly what the chutney posse wanted to hear. Moreover, from the start, she did not alienate Panday–a prudent position adopted to garner supporters from his die-hard loyalists. Lauding him as her guru, she ensured that the acrimony and rancour directed against him by COP supporters in 2007 did not repeat itself to jeopardise her chances. The guru/chaala dichotomy resonated deafeningly throughout the chutney heartland: "I have a weakness, announced the devoted chaala.
Let me admit, I really do have a weakness...My weakness has been that I have supported Mr Panday blindly for too long...Mr Panday, I have a weakness, sir. I care about you. "You helped me. You taught me. I was a student, and I learned at your feet. I learned from you as my guru, and I learned well, but the time has come now–I am a student, yes–and I am ready to graduate now." The elections also saw the forging of some unholy alliances. Didn't someone once say that politics makes strange bedfellows? First, Ramjack became Kamjack, with Jack openly endorsing Kamla. Then came allegations of a Ramday alliance, suggesting an accommodation between Ramesh and Panday, designed to turn their weapons on Kamla and not on each other. Ramesh is no lion, so he hardly roared, assuming a kind of middle position and keeping his campaign physically on the ground and amongst the people.
The gender factor
Kamla made history as the first woman to lead a major political party in Trinidad and Tobago, but it is not the first time she would be making history. She was also the first female attorney general and the first woman to act as Prime Minister of this country. Carving a space for herself in the political arena, away from the bedrooms, kitchens and powder rooms, she made it clear that she is no submissive political dulahin. This time, she was prepared to follow her head and not her heart, and would advise supporters to do the same. Fearlessly, she stood up to the macho boys club which threatened to banish her to ban Bas–since it was the divine right of man to rule, and hence control the UNC. Panday's allusion to Kamla's weakness directly referred to alcoholism, but could be interpreted as having underlying chauvinistic overtones of women being weak and unfit to rule. The rallying cry of the chutney posse, rum till I die and ah want meh rum in the morning...and in de evening would counteract any attempt by the baleful boys club to taint her character.
Alcoholism is an integral aspect of Indian culture. Several of us would remember our Arjee or Nani as an elderly woman who toiled all day in the sugar cane fields under the blazing hot sun. When drenched to the bones by the merciless, tropical rains, she would turn to the petit quart to warm up her soul. Indeed, Sundar Popo carefully reminded us about Nana drinking white one and Nani drinking wine. But no one dare say that my Nani or Arjee had a weakness as she squatted at the road side imbibing the products of her labour. The accusation of a weakness against Kamla is the inherited, gendered and cultural victimisation dished out by some men in leadership positions who insist that women are fit for deputy, but not for boss, an expression of their own demoralisation via systematic assaults to their masculinity by the increasing education and independence of women. Now, who really has the weakness for sweetness? Bravely resisting the patriarchal aggression of the male-dominated politics of the day, Kamla stood tall and proud, mounting a magnificent, strong and sober campaign, replete with rhetoric of humility, forgiveness, unity, engagement and healing.
Nether bandaged nor crawling on her belly, she made no apologies for her gender. Indeed, while the two lions were supposedly romancing each other at Rienzi Complex, the lioness ventured into the lion's den, two Wednesdays ago, and stole the hearts of Panday's supporters, at the Basdeo Panday pre-school in Panday's very home town, St Julien Village, New Grant. Interestingly, while the chauvinism and patriarchy were most dominant at the superstrata (the leadership level), it was broken into pieces at the substrata (amongst the electorate), as even the male UNC voters rallied around her, suggesting that the Trinbago electorate is more than ready for a female Prime Minister. Like a master weaver, Kamla skillfully and successfully wove the gender factor into her primary strategy and goal of governance. She was ready to lead the party into government as Prime Minister, not Opposition Leader–simultaneously as sister, daughter, mother, grandmother and...woman. After all, who can better multi-task than a woman?
To be continued next week...