As I contemplated writing this series of articles on a New National Security Strategy for Trinidad and Tobago, it is being done within the context of globalisation, an ongoing global war on terrorism (or liberty) and transnational criminal threats. The powerful role and tremendous influence of the USA as the pre-eminent, unilateral superpower exerts itself in an increasing global culture of control that has garrisoned its military internationally, increased its control of overseas oil, natural gas and energy security supplies so much that when the US speaks, the world and the United Nations must listen.
With such a tremendous universal sway of international affairs, there is no conceivable way that Trinidad and Tobago can forge an independent national security strategy without consideration for the dominance of the USA, as far as trade, foreign investments, defence, security and migration are concerned. So given this global environment, how can Trinidad and Tobago as a small, developing twin-island republic, with a limited sense of sovereignty, develop, maintain and sustain a workable national security strategy for the next decade (2010-2020), if it is to achieve its much-heralded Vision 2020 of developed status?
Significance of UNSCR 1373...
Why is this United Nations Security Resolution 1373 significant in an era of globalisation and the global war on terror, and what implications are there for our national security strategy? These questions will be answered in the series, but for the purposes of this introduction, the events of 9/11 and the subsequent UNSCR 1373 represent a paradigm shift in laws and policies globally. This paradigm shift represents a new relationship between international and domestic law in the development of international security law.
This change stems from World War II, in which international human rights law provided a major support system for development of constitutionalism around the world, with international instruments such as the Universal Declaration of Human rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights being utilised in national constitutions. After 9/11, the United Nations Security Council has adopted a series of resolutions that are binding on nation states. These resolutions have impacted on international aviation and maritime security and within the corridors of domestic security.
Current national dilemna
Trinidad and Tobago is a resilient and progressive nation, with global attraction, and blessed with an abundance of highly-skilled and resilient human resources that can rival any developed nation in numerous ways. As a nation, many of us do not seem to appreciate freedom, societal values and way of life created for the past 40 years. With freedom comes responsibility, a sense of obligation and patriotism to the country and the rule of law. However, many of us under the mantle of freedom take the unwarranted licence engaging in clandestine criminal activities involving the illegal inflow of guns and drugs, development of a parallel underground economy, facilitating the sale of a daily diet of pornography, violence, the importation of musi that not only develop hatred, but influences and fosters murder and other killings with our teenagers and youths.
While the solution to these ills does not lie merely in human and external measures, a different approach has become necessary. During the past 30 years, there has been an increase in the sophistication of organised criminality in transnational offending. Areas such as illegal drug trafficking and the spiralling gun trade have continued to assert dominance and stranglehold in the local economic infrastructure, creating vulnerability and a sense of hopelessness. The Police Service is the premier law enforcement agency, and therefore should not be politicised, as its mandate is to serve and protect each and everyone in the territorial jurisdiction in Trinidad and Tobago.
It will be expected that the police hierarchy, in its development of a crime plan, may wish to consider a re-conceptualised and re-organised approach in dealing with external and domestic spheres of operations. This may involve a changed approach with different governmental agencies. But can Commissioner Philbert's strategy put a dent in the illegal drug-trafficking and guns that are available to one and all illegally. Will this crime plan be effective?
Time will tell. Does he possess the independent will to pursue such an approach, given our culture and society?
Framework of a new security strategy
National security is essential for the preservation of our democratic society. As such, any Trinidad and Tobago national security strategy and policy ought to be derived from the preamble to the constitution, where it speaks of the "equal and inalienable rights," and Section 4(a) "right to life, liberty and security of person and enjoyment of property." In terms of national security, these would include personal security, civil liberties and economic fruitfulness. These three characteristics ought to comprise any national security strategy.
Underpinning these efforts are several assumptions: First, Trinidad and Tobago's national security principles must be reassessed to confront the challenges we are facing; second, the concept of national security must be compatible with the challenges and opportunities that Trinidad and Tobago faces as we compete in a globalised environment; third, our national security strategy must be pro-active and forward-thinking. As such, this strategy should aim to put in place the requisite infrastructure, laws, ideas and capabilities that will enable the nation to be flexible in adapting to current and unforeseen threats, and finally, this strategy must encapsulate our national values, economic security and national planning, energy security, Defence Force components of national security, cyber security, national leadership, new intelligence strategies, international and domestic dimension of national security, and sound and diplomatic management of national security.
Thus, very clear objectives are essential for a cohesive national security strategy. What is it that Trinidad and Tobago need from 2010-2020? What can we afford? In formulating this strategy, public participation is sorely needed before policy-makers construct any national security strategy. Whilst this may be perceived as tension-filled, an informed public could provide assistance and guidance to policy-makers in support of fundamental objectives. (Next week, I will look at our national concepts and values.) PS. In a recent visit to one of the main police stations in Belfast, Ireland. I saw first-hand the modus operandi in dealing with many criminal situations. What may be of importance to Commissioner Philbert in his crime plan is the acquisition of an effective and efficient database that must be linked with the Licensing Office. The Police Service of Northern Ireland has a living arrangement with all taxi-services, via a computerised database, and a GPS system.