In late August 2025, the Donald Trump administration deployed a significant number of naval and air assets to the southern Caribbean with the stated goal of combating drug trafficking. This action was pursuant to the January 2025 Executive Order 14157, which labelled certain Western Hemisphere drug cartels as foreign terrorist organisations and specially designated global terrorists.
Since the deployment, 10 vessels (mainly fish boats) have been destroyed, eight in Caribbean waters and two in the Pacific, with approximately 50 deaths, including two T&T nationals.
Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar took the lead on this matter, saying that the deployment had the full support of the T&T Government. She also said she had no intention of engaging Caricom member states, and each member state could speak for itself on this issue. With each deadly strike, the Prime Minister has maintained her support for such actions, denying that the actions are extrajudicial. “Criminals are criminals, and we have to wipe out criminals,” said the Prime Minister, a senior counsel, at a function at the Diplomatic Centre.
Apart from indicating the number of people who died in the attacks and the allegations that the boats were transporting narcotics, no public evidence has been provided to support these allegations. Venezuela may be a major transit point for cocaine produced elsewhere in Latin America, but the eastern Pacific Ocean is the major transit point for cocaine, not the Caribbean.
US officials have attempted to justify the destruction of the vessels and occupants on the dubious legal theory that the boats are affiliated with “designated terrorist organisations”. The attacks have prompted widespread condemnation in US legal circles, civil liberty groups, and South American countries, as these attacks transgress the norms of international law. The T&T Government's support for these actions jeopardises T&T’s relationship with Venezuela and complicates the position with our Caricom neighbours.
President Trump’s confirmation last Wednesday that he had authorised the Central Intelligence Agency to perform covert operations in Venezuela further complicates the picture. On Friday, it was revealed that an aircraft carrier was being moved to waters off South America as part of the US administration’s stated campaign to combat drug trafficking.
Taken together, the moves suggest a strategy to force regime change. Also, many of the claims of Venezuelan government operatives' involvement in drug trafficking stem from US foreign policy instruments and should be understood within the context of political and diplomatic conflict.
The Prime Minister is caught on the horns of a dilemma. An agreement was signed with PDVSA (Petróleos de Venezuela, SA) to access natural gas deposits in the Dragon Field in December 2023, as this was considered a strategic initiative to provide additional gas for the energy sector. The request for and the grant of a new OFAC licence from the US is evidence that this strategy is still in play. However, the overt support for the US and the intemperate language when addressing Venezuela’s leaders are not easily reconcilable.
All states must be realistic in pursuit of their legitimate self-interests and ultimately their survival. Small states have little manoeuvring room when dealing with great powers such as the US, which has considerable soft and hard (military) power.
T&T’s economic situation requires careful management, and it cannot afford either countervailing duties or higher tariffs on its exports to the US market by a mercurial US President. Simply put, the US is a greater power than Venezuela. In these circumstances, principle goes through the window. The rest is theatrics.
