The cost of funding seven of the main promises/commitments made by Kamla Persad-Bissessar, the political leader of the opposition United National Congress (UNC), during the 2025 general election campaign could be more than $18 billion in additional expenditure or revenue foregone, according to Business Guardian calculations, based on publicly available information and verified by senior economists, who insisted on anonymity because of their sensitive positions.
The seven main financial promises/commitments are:
1) Increase the compensation of public sector employees by no less than 10 per cent—Cost: up to $12 billion, with increased expenditure on wages and salaries of $1.1 billion a year;
2) Lower corporate taxes by 5 per cent initially—Revenue foregone of up to $1.3 billion a year;
3) Remove value-added tax (VAT) on 7,000 basic food items—Revenue foregone of up to $1.5 billion a year;
4) Eliminate the property tax—Revenue foregone of up to $150 million a year;
5) Removal of the 7 per cent online tax—Revenue foregone of about $62 million a year
6) Increase the fuel subsidy—Added expenditure of up to $2 billion a year
7) Remove taxes on retirement benefits and private pensions—Estimate of revenue foregone of $100 million
Wage hike for public servants
Delivering an address at the election meeting of the UNC last Saturday, March 29 at North Eastern College in Sangre Grande, the newly elected president general of the Public Services Association (PSA), Felisha Thomas, told a cheering, bell-ringing crowd, “The UNC gave a commitment that negotiations (for public sector workers) would start with no less than 10 per cent. Do you want that?”
She also said the UNC has also given a commitment to: regularise contract workers; immediately implement an improved health plan (for public servants); shelve the PNM Cabinet WASA subcommittee report; grant preferential access to HDC (Housing Development Corporation) homes for public servants and implement the 9 per cent settlement on behalf of NIB (National Insurance Board) workers.
“The question then remains: will they deliver on their commitments? Let me remind you brothers and sisters that the last settlement workers received was under the UNC. Public officers enjoyed two salary increases under the UNC within one term in office, 9 per cent and 14 per cent,” said Thomas.
Speaking after the PSA president, Mrs Persad-Bissessar did not qualify or amend Ms Thomas’s claim that the UNC has given a commitment to increase the salaries of public sector employees by no less than 10 per cent.
In fact, the opposition leader’s reference to the comments by Thomas on the UNC’s commitment to increasing public sector salaries by no less than 10 per cent was as follows, “You don’t want a miserable life. You don’t want a scrunting life and if I take on Felisha, I might say the wrong word on this platform tonight. So let me move away from all these words beginning with ‘s’.”
Mrs Persad-Bissessar also referred to Ms Thomas as brave and referenced her saying that workers deserved a fair day’s pay for a fair day’s work..
But surely, if the new PSA leader had misspoke or embelished the UNC’s commitment to public sector employees, the leader of the opposition would have used the opportunity, speaking after Ms Thomas, to clarify her party’s position.
Mrs Persad-Bissessar also told her exuberant Sangre Grande audience, “People want straight talk from their leaders. People want the truth told to them in real terms and that is what you will get from me...People want transparency. They want accountability. They want kindness combined with intelligence, with competence, with compassion, with excellence, with empathy. They want truth! Come up young boy, give them it. We have been giving you truth, plain and simple, without dressing, all our political lives.”
So what is the truth?
The UNC leader’s emphasis on straight talk and telling the truth to her followers is crucial because from where I sit, there is absolutely NO WAY, short of a miracle, that a T&T government, led by Mrs Persad-Bissessar, is going to be able to deliver on promises/commitments that will cost taxpayers of T&T an estimated $18 billion in additional expenditure or revenue foregone.
Is it the “truth” told to the population in “real terms” that T&T can afford the between $10 and $12 billion that a public sector settlement at 10 per cent for between 2014 and 2024 is estimated to cost T&T?
That range is based on an assessment given by former Minister of Finance, Colm Imbert, speaking in the Senate on January 26, 2021. In his contribution to the debate on the reform of the public service commissions, Imbert gave an example of what it would cost to settle public-sector wages at a 9 per cent increase compared to the previous 3 per cent for 2014-2016.
“If, for example, the Government were to authorise the CPO to offer a 9 per cent increase to the 89,000 people in the public sector for the period 2014 to 2016, with the associated backpay, the CPO (Chief Personnel Officer) has advised that the cost of that, up to December 2020, would have been $7.2 billion.”
Extending the public sector settlement to the period 2014 to 2024, increasing the settlement from 9 to 10 per cent and including all public sector employees—even those whose trade unions settled at 4 per cent—pushes $7.2 billion the figure to between $10 and $12 billion.
Can T&T afford 10%?
Increasing the pay packages of public sector employees by 10 per cent at a cost of up to $12 billion would impact the economy in several ways:
1) Larger fiscal deficit—Increasing expenditure on public sector employees by up to $12 billion in the first year of a UNC administration, would push T&T’s expenditure in the 2026 financial year, which starts on October 1, 2025, from an estimated $59.74 billion to $71.74 billion.
If the seven items of increased expenditure or revenue foregone are included, the fiscal deficit would go from an estimated $5.51 billion in 2025, to $23 billion in 2026. That figure is arrived at by adding $14 billion (higher salaries and increased fuel subsidy) to the $59.74 billion estimated expenditure in 2025 and reducing revenue by $4 billion from $54.22 billion in 2025 to $50 billion in 2026;
2) More debt—A higher fiscal deficit means more borrowing. Some 76.22 per cent of the 2024 fiscal deficit of $9.11 bilion was funded by foreign financing (a total of TT$6.945 billion). An increased fiscal deficit of $23 billion in 2026 would likely mean increased total borrowing to fund the deficit and increased foreign financing;
3) Higher inflation—Distributing up to $12 billion to the 89,000 employees in the public sector would put more money in the hands of those workers. As a result of many public sector employees not having a wage increase since 2014, they are sure, in the aggregate, to increase their purchases of refrigerators, stoves, washingmachines, cars as well as alcoholic and non-alcoholic beverages and food. That increased demand will lead to a sharp increase in the rate of inflation;
4) Greater forex demand—Because more than 75 per cent of what is purchased in T&T is imported, an increase in aggregate demand as a result of more cash in the hands of public sector employees is likely to translate into an increase in demand for foreign exchange.
According to the Central Bank’s new Economic DataPack, the demand for foreign exchange in the period October 2024 to February 2025 was US$2.39 billion, while the supply was US$1.72 billion. That led to the Central Bank selling US$589.5 million to the authorised dealers in that five-month period to address the gap between supply and demand;
5) Depleting foreign reserves—Increased demand for foreign exchange puts pressure on T&T’s foreign reserves because the gap between demand and supply will increase and the Central Bank will be required to sell more reserves to commercial banks to address the wider gap. T&T’s net official foreign reserves in February 2025 stood at US$5.294 billion, which was 21.6 per cent lower than US$6.754 billion in February 2023. That is an average depletion of about 11 per cent over two years;
6) Rating agency downgrades—Countries that are fiscally imprudent tend to get downgraded by rating agencies. T&T has two main rating agencies, S&P and Moody’s. The country is rated junk by one and just above junk by the other. Countries that get downgraded to junk status have to pay more to service their foreign debts and may even find local financiers would shun them.
Why promise if you can’t deliver?
The economists advising Mrs Persad-Bissessar know that giving a commitment to increase public sector compensation by at least 10 per cent is fiscally irresponsible. And they know that that is a commitment that the UNC, if elected, is not going to be able to keep because it would crash the economy within one year.
It is surprising that the leader of the venerable PSA would be so taken in by the UNC’s labour-friendly commitments that she would not ask the obvious question: Where is the money coming from for the 10 per cent wage hike?
One assumes that the leader of the opposition is taking advice from her economists before making commitments to trade unions.
So the question becomes: Why would the political leader of the UNC make a commitment to the PSA that she KNOWS that, if elected, she will not be able to keep?
And if giving a commitment to the PSA to increase the compensation in the public sector by 10 per cent were so easy, why does Mrs Persad-Bissessar think Mr Imbert did not do it?