Dr Bhoendradatt Tewarie is one of T&T’s longest-serving and most distinguished public intellectuals, as he was first elected to the House of Representatives in 1986 as a member of the National Alliance for Reconstruction government.
When the NAR lost power in 1991, he was employed as a lecturer at the St Augustine campus of The University of the West Indies, and he served as executive director of the UWI Institute of Business (IOB) for nine years before being appointed pro vice-chancellor and principal of the St. Augustine campus in September 2001.
Dr Tewarie returned to front-line politics in May 2011, when he was appointed a senator and minister of planning, economic and social restructuring and gender affairs in Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar’s first administration. He was elected to the House of Representatives in 2015 as the Member for Caroni Central in the 11th Parliament.
He has served on many public sector boards, both locally and regionally, as well as on the boards of local private sector companies. He has published many articles and book chapters on economic, educational, and developmental issues, according to the T&T Parliament website. He received his PhD in comparative literature from Pennsylvania State University, and he is, of course, a T&T Guardian columnist.
Given his pedigree, one assumes that his is an influential voice in the United National Congress (UNC).
In his commentary in the T&T Guardian of April 30, 2026, Dr Tewarie reflected on the first anniversary of the general election victory of the UNC, observing that the current administration still has four months of execution on the 2026 budget, and then a new budget in September 2026 to get the country through 2027.
He then wrote, “If things work out well, we may have more natural gas production by then. If things happen at a slower pace, another budget for the 2028 fiscal year will have to be presented in September 2027 with new natural gas still to flow.
“So, how are we going to prepare our economy for the 2028 windfall? What are we going to do in the two intervening years that will allow us to really leverage the coming windfall in a meaningful way? Because we have been through a cycle of booms and busts before, and after each bust, we end up back to square one.
“Prime Minister Persad-Bissessar is in a position to break that cycle of energy dependency. But only if she focuses dedicatedly on export-oriented investment in the non-energy sector; on AI technology-driven reforms that save money, increase efficiency, boost productivity, and spawn businesses before new energy windfall revenue begins to flow. If we fail to do this now, the energy revenue will be depleted as fast as it flows in.”
There are several important things in that extract to which the wider T&T public needs to pay careful, even forensic attention:
• Is Dr Tewarie correct in his assumption that T&T is going to experience a natural gas-led windfall in fiscal 2028, that is the period from October 1, 2027 to September 30, 2028?
As it pertains to countries, a windfall is most often defined as “a typically unexpected or sudden increase in revenue, often stemming from natural resource booms, abrupt shifts in terms of trade or large, unexpected financial inflows.” That definition suggests that a windfall is generally unexpected, which tells me that if the increase in revenue is expected, it may not be classified as a windfall.
In my view, the increase in revenue that T&T experienced in 2022, following Russia’s February invasion of Ukraine, was a windfall because of its almost immediate impact on the price of oil, liquified natural gas (LNG) and the petrochemicals that the country produces.
The former minister of finance, Colm Imbert expected to receive a total of $43.33 billion in revenue, with “oil” revenue contributing $12.61 billion. The 2022 budget was predicated on an oil price of US$65 a barrel and a natural gas netback price of US$3.75. A fiscal deficit of $9.09 billion was expected.
As it turns out, T&T’s total revenue in the 2022 fiscal year was $54.60 billion, of which “energy-sector revenue” contributed $30.37 billion, leading to a fiscal surplus of $1.33 billion, the first in about a decade and a half.
I would argue, therefore, that T&T experienced a true windfall in February 2022, as the Ukraine war was unexpected and the 26 per cent revenue boost was substantial.
If we use the definition above, what Dr Tewarie refers to as the “2028 windfall” is not a windfall at all because it would not be an “unexpected or sudden increase in revenue.” If there is to be an increase in revenue in 2028, it would be expected and planned. Words, and their definitions, matter, don’t they?
• Is Dr Tewarie correct in his assumption that T&T should expect “new energy windfall revenue” to begin to flow in 2028, as a result of an increase in the amount of natural gas available to the national, natural gas pipeline grid owned by wholly state-owned National Gas Company of T&T (NGC)?
In my view, Dr Tewarie’s assumption about an increase in natural gas to NGC in 2028 is certainly possible, but it is absolutely NOT a sure thing.
That is because his assumption is most likely based on new natural gas flows from the Dragon near-border gas field, the Loran and Cocuina-Manakin cross-border fields, and the Calypso field.
It is useful to note that the Venezuelan administration, headed by Vice President Delcy Rodriguez, has held natural gas talks with both Shell (on Dragon) and BP (on Cocuina-Manakin and Loran) and both energy majors have received preliminary OFAC (Office of Foreign Assets Control) licences.
As Opposition MP, Stuart Young, has pointed out on a number of occasions, Port-of-Spain has not been included in any energy talks with Caracas, and T&T’s plan to engage in such talks has not received a positive outcome up to now.
But what of NGC chairman, Gerald Ramdeen’s May 1, 2026 comments that “the only place that gas can be monetised is in the infrastructure that is available in T&T?”
Mr Ramdeen must know that that statement is simply not true.
He must have been made aware, in his time as the NGC chair, of FLNG (as in floating LNG) facilities, which make it possible for energy companies to produce, liquefy, and store natural gas offshore, with the LNG then transferred directly from the floating facility to specialised carriers for transport to customers worldwide.
Mr Ramdeen must know, in particular, of Shell’s Prelude FLNG facility, which began production in December 2018 and offloaded its first LNG cargo in June 2019, according to the company’s website.
I can imagine uproarious laughter that must have broken out in Shell’s executive offices when they read Mr Ramdeen’s comments about NGC being the only game in town.
It may certainly be more cost-effective for Shell, for example, to connect Dragon gas to NGC’s 24-inch pipeline through its Hibicus platform in the North Coast Marine Area. If that is the case, Shell will certainly have to negotiate with NGC from the field.
Also, the December 2023 Dragon gas agreement that Venezuela signed with Shell and NGC indicates that 70 per cent of the Dragon natural gas should be liquefied at the Point Fortin LNG facility and 30 per cent go to the petrochemical operators on the Point Lisas Industrial Estate and at La Brea. If Dragon starts production at 350 million cubic feet per day (mmcfd), that means 245 mmcfd goes to Atlantic LNG and 105 mmcfd goes to petrochemicals. Where does that leave the operators at Point Lisas and La Brea?
The agreement also guarantees the South American country no less than 45 per cent of the gross revenue from the Dragon project.
If Venezuela gets 45 per cent and Shell gets 45 per cent, where does that leave NGC in terms of the gross revenues from Dragon, if American interests have to be served?
Will Shell insist that NGC receive a flat toll for transporting the natural gas through its grid?
All of those are very difficult issues that may or may not be concluded in time for natural gas to flow to T&T by the fiscal year starting on October 1, 2027, about 16 and a half months from now.
