Last week’s “Harvest Supermoon” seemed to have heralded some unusual occurrences. Ahead of today’s national Budget presentation (the first by a United National Congress Finance Minister since current Central Bank of T&T Governor Larry Howai’s delivery in 2014), Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar “shuffled” ministerial responsibilities without officially rearranging portfolios. The Prime Minister had threatened to “buss the heads” of certain members of her Government in August. Did she deliver on her warning by reigning in the remit of Ministers Ratiram, Lee, Benjamin, Moonilal, Bodoe, Smith, Satyakama Maharaj, Watts, and Mohit? Conversely, those ministers who have levelled up are Ministers Padarath, Hosein, Alexander, Baptiste, and Swaratsingh. Those with lighter loads tried to take the setback in stride, but how can such not be interpreted, at least, as the diminished confidence of their leader? The PM herself assumed several of their responsibilities. Some would say that she is consolidating loyalties ahead of the 2026 UNC Natex elections, or even setting the stage for an executive presidency by the end of her term.
Was climate change responsible for last week’s western waterspout and tornado? Did the strange weather precipitate the decision to re-arrest Minister David Lee and businessman Hugh Leong Poi? Is Chief Justice Archie clearing his desk before he demits office this law term? Perhaps we will see a lot more high-profile cases on the docket? Maybe prominent names such as Dana Seetahal, SC, Marcia-Ayers Caesar and Andre Monteil will also be back in the headlines soon.
“Justice delayed is justice denied” in all cases, whether prominent or not. Minister Lee is having a particularly tough time. Even though he has Minister Roberts and Alexander to assist him in the Housing Ministry, the PM still relieved them of certain responsibilities ahead of his re-arrest. All three would have felt aggrieved.
The Prime Minister would have taken into account certain ill-advised statements or activities and, in some cases, non-action before reassigning authority. Perhaps such matters were discussed with her entourage during her trip to NYC for UNGA 80. MPs would have delivered little or nothing in road works, drainage, and general environmental maintenance for some time. The shutting down of URP, CEPEP, and the limitations of the regional corporations would have exacerbated matters.
Many have been told to “hold strain till after Budget.” As such, today’s Budget presentation is a defining moment for this incarnation of the UNC Government. Even more important will be the viability of the diversification and revenue-generating programmes to be rolled out in the coming months. Will there be enough funds for the MPs and councillors to calm down their seething constituents? Will they ever be told to “release the strain?”
The US Treasury Department has granted a six-month OFAC licence to the Government, NGC, Shell PLC, Futura Clara Ltd, and other related service providers to pursue the development of the Dragon gas field. So, we have until April 2026 to get Venezuela President Nicolas Maduro to honour the terms of our 30-year licence that he signed for our last government before the previous OFAC licence got cooked.
What can happen in six months? How can we be certain that it will be renewed in May 2026? Do the terms of the OFAC licence give Venezuela enough incentive to participate? Are Shell and the other providers confident of execution, or is there too much geopolitical instability inherent in the project?
In 2007, the Venezuelan state-owned oil company PDVSA expropriated the investments in that country made by the US oil company ConocoPhillips. ConocoPhillips filed lawsuits in several jurisdictions, including our own, to recoup its US$1.3 billion from PDVSA. Will Maduro greenlight the Dragon gas project, only for the proceeds to be diverted to an American oil company? The seizure of ConocoPhillips’ property happened under the presidency of Hugo Chavez. Is Maduro willing to concede the acquisitions of his guru? Will the Trump administration allow President Maduro to benefit from the Dragon gas project, whether or not ConocoPhillips receives compensation?
As we walk the tightrope between Presidents Maduro and Trump for our nation’s future, the Norwegian Nobel Committee may have delivered a message for them both. They selected Venezuelan Opposition Leader Maria Corina Machado as the recipient of the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize, “who keeps the flame of democracy burning amidst a growing darkness” (This would elicit reminders of upcoming Divali celebrations to Trinbagonians). This is a slap in the face to President Maduro, whose influence could be interpreted as that “growing darkness.” Although President Trump would be disappointed that he was not the recipient of the prize himself, Machado dedicated part of her win to him for his support of democracy in Venezuela. Will Machado’s Nobel Prize inspire a new revolution within, and will the US military presence from outside combine to oust Maduro?
Our Prime Minister is another powerful woman supportive of the US military presence in our region. Can PM Persad-Bissessar and a president Corina Machado be easy allies in a possible future of peace, democracy, and energy security? For our own interest, that seems difficult to imagine within a mere six-month time frame. We have to deal with the Venezuelan government, whoever they are/will be.
As we catch glimpses of the mirage of a brighter future fuelled by Dragon gas, we anticipate a roadmap to prosperity being laid down today, with or without it.
Ramona Ramdial is a former MP in the People's Partnership government.