Mariano Browne
A fundamental premise of democracy is that electing a different political party will bring about the changes required to move a country forward and correct whatever ills or mistakes the previous administration made. This allows an administration to stay responsive to public needs and deliver results. It also allows course corrections, so that the new administrations can implement fresh strategies to address economic or social problems.
This premise is based on three assumptions. First, the new administration has a cogent plan which is either different from its predecessor’s or will be better implemented. Second, the incoming administration has the necessary management skills or can recruit them to implement the necessary changes. Third, the government’s bureaucratic organisational structure is sufficiently robust to implement those plans successfully. Fourth, if existing systems and processes do facilitate delivery, the necessary changes will be made.
Many “modern” strategic management concepts have been borrowed from the military to make organisations more efficient and purpose-driven. However, while everyone will agree that organisations need to plan, seasoned military campaigners will acknowledge that few plans survive first contact with the enemy. The objectives may remain the same, but circumstances change, and the enemies’ reactions may not be as anticipated. Therefore, adjustments must be made. The underlying principle is that adaptability and readiness are far more critical than strictly sticking to the script.
One current example of an initiative to make government more efficient was US President Donald Trump’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE). This initiative was designed to fundamentally restructure the federal government by dismantling bureaucracy, slashing federal regulations, eliminating unauthorised programmes, and cutting trillions in “wasteful spending”. However, this initiative fell apart long before its scheduled termination date and had very limited results and prioritised cost-cutting rather than systemic changes.
Public consensus and financial experts widely consider the unit a failure, arguing that billions of savings were based on exaggerated accounting tricks without reducing actual spending. The New York Times, “How did DOGE disrupt so much while saving so little “and the Brookings Institution Metrics (https://www.brookings.edu/articles/how-will-we-know-if-doge-is-succeeding/) provide detailed evidence for those who may disagree with this conclusion.
The key takeaway from the DOGE “experiment” is that organisational change, particularly in large, complex organisations, is never easy and cannot be achieved by slash-and-burn tactics. It requires deep systemic analysis and process-driven change. This cannot be achieved overnight, regardless of academic or engineering brilliance (Elon Musk). However, the DOGE initiative is an important lesson in change management as it demonstrated the importance of processes and systems, and that change cannot be achieved simply by slashing costs.
T&T faces a complex development path. There is a deepening fiscal challenge. Successive administrations have increased recurrent expenditure, leading to persistent fiscal deficits and an inevitable ballooning of the national debt. Recurrent expenditure is growing faster than the country’s revenue base. This, coupled with a growing demand for the state to do more, is demonstrated by the continued growth of subsidies and transfers. This is unsustainable and is eroding policy flexibility.
There are several challenges, and these cannot be achieved by fiat or talk, expressions of interest or requests for proposals. The first is to build a sustainable economy. This means reconsidering plans to diversify the economy and determining the necessary budgetary and other support needed to achieve these objectives. The second is to improve productivity in the public and private sectors. Cooperating with labour is not simply about improving wage rates. This means building capacity, which means human development. The education system must be visited and strengthened. The third is to reduce government expenditure on subsidies whilst ensuring adequate protection for the vulnerable.
The fourth challenge is to navigate a complex geopolitical environment. The war in Ukraine and the ongoing war against Iran are major destabilising events, the full effects of which have yet to play themselves out. The energy shock has been muted because energy reserves in the large OECD countries are being depleted. Inflation has been muted as a result. But governments in both high- and low-income countries are experiencing structural deficits, with European countries facing both higher energy prices and ageing populations, thus creating systemic risks.
Managing a country and addressing public expectations is an exceedingly difficult task which requires a higher level of policy and interministerial coordination. Last week, I noted that there is no central coordinating agency at the Cabinet level in the T&T civil service structure. This is critical to project-managing the government’s key policy objectives and keeping them on course. In responding to the article, a former senior permanent secretary (PS) noted that the Cabinet Secretary is not under the purview of the titular Head of the Public Service in T&T (HOPS). The former PS noted that, depending on the nature of the issue, the Secretary to the Cabinet would discuss and seek advice from the PS to the PM and the HOPS.
It is noteworthy that in the UK, the Cabinet Secretary is the most senior civil servant, ensuring the efficient running of government. Many of the UK Cabinet Secretary’s functions consolidate those of our PS, PM, and HOPS. Coordinating the work of ministries requires a more formal, less ad hoc approach than is currently practised, with less dependence on the personality of the incumbent PS. Timing, tone, and tempo are functions of leadership. Doing nothing has a price.
Mariano Browne is the Chief Executive Officer of the UWI Arthur Lok Jack Global School of Business.
