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Tuesday, April 15, 2025

Trajectory of race relations

by

20100626

The Cult of the Will, by Ger­ard Besson, is a most wel­come, time­ly and use­ful book at this junc­ture of our his­to­ry, for it comes at a time when epochal and dra­mat­ic changes are tak­ing place, ush­er­ing in, it seems, yet an­oth­er "nar­ra­tive" in the un­fold­ing de­vel­op­ment of Trinidad and To­ba­go, as groups su­per­sede one an­oth­er as dom­i­nant forces in the evo­lu­tion of the so­ci­ety and state. The main con­cern of the book is to de­bunk a "nar­ra­tive" in which the Eu­ro­pean-de­scend­ed, or those ap­pear­ing that way–Trinida­di­ans all–were made scape­goats for in­jus­tices of the past by the pol­i­tics of the Williams "nar­ra­tive."

Besson writes: "The no­tion of in­her­it­ed guilt is, how­ev­er, fun­da­men­tal­ly wrong, moral­ly un­jus­ti­fied and dis­tinct­ly un­sci­en­tif­ic. Col­lec­tive guilt is a ba­sic fal­la­cy of Marx­ism, which de­nies the in­di­vid­ual of im­por­tance, on­ly see­ing him or her as a mem­ber of a class. It al­so seeks to con­done racism, and to con­vey the no­tion that it is al­right to alien­ate In­di­ans and hate white peo­ple, in gen­er­al, and French Cre­oles, in par­tic­u­lar."(p234) Besson's book is, ac­cord­ing­ly, an ex­plo­ration of the pro­gres­sion and tra­jec­to­ry of race re­la­tions from the time of the con­quest, through ear­ly coloni­sa­tion and in­to in­de­pen­dence. It thus fol­lows on ear­li­er ex­plo­rations in the French Caribbean by Ko­vats-Beaulieu, in her work, Les Blancs Cr�oles de la Mar­tinique; Sou­quet-Basiege, in his work, Le Pr�jug� de Race aux An­tilles Fran�aise; Br­ere­ton, in the case of Trinidad in her book, Race Re­la­tions in Trinidad; as well as Main­got's the­sis on the French Cre­oles. Besson's book, how­ev­er, is the first by a lo­cal white in re­cent times to speak out and com­ment di­rect­ly on the var­i­ous "nar­ra­tives" on of­fer over the years.

Clear­ly, the time for as­sess­ment has come, and his book must, ac­cord­ing­ly, be read as a con­tri­bu­tion to that as­sess­ment. Apart from Fr de Ver­teuil and Mrs Fran­co, the peo­ple who are per­ceived as whites have been con­spic­u­ous­ly ab­sent from the de­bates on race re­la­tions over the years. It is pos­si­ble that the treat­ment of Al­bert Gomes, in and af­ter 1956, or that of the McArthys at San­gre Grande dur­ing the in­ci­dents of 1970, in­duced them to re­treat in­to near obliv­ion. Yet, as every stu­dent will un­der­stand, race re­la­tions are es­sen­tial­ly about trib­al­ism, and there is a ten­den­cy for all tribes to make scape­goats of oth­ers. This is es­sen­tial­ly a de­fence mech­a­nism by one group against the oth­er. It is now com­mon­place to recog­nise that no race or tribe has a mo­nop­oly of virtue, and that all groups will have their he­roes and their vil­lains. Nor is it fair to judge the ac­tions of a par­tic­u­lar cen­tu­ry by stan­dar­d­is­ing the val­ues of the 20th or 21st.

Life is uni­ver­sal­ly re­gard­ed as moral­ly sa­cred, but dif­fer­ent cul­tures have dis­played dif­fer­ing treat­ment of life over the cen­turies. The Cult of the Will, more im­por­tant­ly, shows how in­her­i­tance of prop­er­ty plays an im­por­tant role in keep­ing fam­i­lies to­geth­er, and al­so how the short­age of Eu­ro­pean women, par­tic­u­lar­ly among the French, led to m�tis­sage and the rise of a mu­lat­to class.

That class was to play an im­por­tant role in the var­i­ous chal­lenges to the so­cial and po­lit­i­cal or­der over the years. Besson has al­so en­light­ened us on the ex­tent to which the ear­ly French set­tler class orig­i­nat­ed from Grena­da, and the ex­tent to which the de­vel­op­ment of the co­coa in­dus­try de­pend­ed on them. They, too, were some of the ear­ly pi­o­neers in the eco­nom­ic de­vel­op­ment of Trinidad and To­ba­go. In­deed, it is well to re­call that it was French, British and Span­ish cap­i­tal along with Amerindi­an, African and In­di­an labour that de­vel­oped T&T. Yet, the French, like the African, In­di­an and oth­er groups, en­coun­tered their share of dis­crim­i­na­tion. Then, as now, there was a peck­ing or­der. The Eng­lish dis­crim­i­nat­ed against the French, and both dis­crim­i­nat­ed against the In­di­ans and Africans. Africans dis­crim­i­nat­ed against In­di­ans, who rec­i­p­ro­cat­ed in their own way. The house slave dis­crim­i­nat­ed against the field slave, free against un­free; large slave own­ers against pe­tit blancs. Colo­nial so­ci­ety, clear­ly, had its sub­tleties and var­i­ous gra­da­tions of dis­crim­i­na­tion. As the Trinida­di­an so­ci­ol­o­gist Braith­waite re­mind­ed us, in his pi­o­neer­ing work in So­cial Strat­i­fi­ca­tion in Trinidad and To­ba­go, it was this sub­tle dis­crim­i­na­tion, based on the val­ues of colour and sta­tus, which held the so­ci­ety to­geth­er.

In­deed, some of the last­ing lega­cies of colo­nial rule was the en­throne­ment of colour and sta­tus. White slave own­ers dis­crim­i­nat­ed against black slave own­ers. Colour be­came an ad­dic­tion that was im­pos­si­ble to erad­i­cate. It en­snared all, even the ad­vo­cates of black pow­er who showed a pref­er­ence for lighter skins. Some of the dis­crim­i­na­tion to which Besson points was in­her­ent in the sys­tem of colo­nial rule, based as it was on su­per­or­di­na­tion and sub­or­di­na­tion.

The In­di­ans who came to Trinidad were al­ready pre­pared for some of these dis­tinc­tions by their ex­pe­ri­ences of caste in In­dia. Besson, how­ev­er, recog­nis­es that some of the more per­cep­tive crit­ics of the Williams "nar­ra­tive" were them­selves African-de­scend­ed, like Lau­rence, Rohlehr and Gov­eia. That "nar­ra­tive" could al­so be seen, not as a fail­ure to in­her­it, but as the be­hav­iour of the "mar­gin­al per­son­al­i­ty." Dick­ie-Clark has em­ployed this con­cept drawn from psy­chol­o­gy to il­lu­mi­nate the be­hav­iour of a num­ber of chal­lengers to ex­ist­ing so­cial and po­lit­i­cal or­ders. Ac­cord­ing to Dick­ie-Clark, the "mar­gin­al man" or "mar­gin­al per­son­al­i­ty" is one who is nev­er prop­er­ly in­te­grat­ed with­in a cul­ture or a so­ci­ety.

They are peo­ple who face re­jec­tion by one group or an­oth­er. Thus Jews, half-castes, mu­lat­toes and oth­er mi­nor­i­ty groups are prone to rad­i­cal be­hav­iour, be­cause psy­chic in­te­gra­tion is im­pos­si­ble for them. Thus, like "Mo­hamet's cof­fin," they re­main sus­pend­ed in mid-air, prone to move in one way or the oth­er, or to take in at short no­tice. Williams clear­ly falls with­in this cat­e­go­ry, as the var­i­ous bi­o­graph­i­cal stud­ies, so far, make clear. Plur­al so­ci­eties tend to pro­duce such types. Besson is right­ly con­cerned with the lega­cy of the Williams era and its "nar­ra­tive." For Besson, it has be­queathed us the "gimme gimme" and de­pen­den­cy syn­dromes. It must be re­called, how­ev­er, that slav­ery al­so pro­duced a de­pen­den­cy syn­drome. The mas­ter was re­quired to pro­vide ap­pro­pri­ate ac­com­mo­da­tion, meet med­ical ex­pens­es, and pro­vide pro­vi­sion grounds and hol­i­days. In­den­ture­ship con­tin­ued the tra­di­tion so that the Williams con­tri­bu­tion was just one fac­tor.

The par­ty sys­tem of gov­ern­ment al­so has a role to play, as well as ide­olo­gies from abroad. As par­ties com­pete for votes they tend to out-promise each oth­er.

The Williams nar­ra­tive and ac­com­pa­ny­ing poli­cies did have its pos­i­tive as well as neg­a­tive side, and Besson does ac­knowl­edge some of them with re­gard to the pri­vate sec­tor. As for scape­goats, this was the favourite pas­time of most colo­nial politi­cians. In Africa, the Caribbean and else­where the politi­cians begged for pow­er from their colo­nial mas­ters. Nkrumah urged his fol­low­ers: "Seek ye first the po­lit­i­cal king­dom and all oth­er things will be added un­to you."

To achieve pow­er, they could not put blame where it right­ly lay. So ex­ter­nal and phan­tom en­e­mies had to be con­struct­ed. As Fanon clear­ly ar­gued, dur­ing the ear­ly 60s, the na­tion­al­ists with their cries of re­demp­tion, state­hood and racism mere­ly want­ed to step in the set­tlers' shoes and re­lax in the ve­ran­dahs of their bun­ga­lows. Nor must we for­get that Sin­ga­pore and Hong Kong, at one time were colonies of Britain, and that Chi­na was al­so one time a colony of Japan. Politi­cians in their thirst for pow­er recog­nised that race was a pow­er­ful weapon, be­cause it ap­pealed to a very ba­sic in­gre­di­ent of iden­ti­ty.

This is why in the whole of the Caribbean, it is em­ployed large­ly in Trinidad and Guyana for po­lit­i­cal trac­tion. Williams or his han­dlers used it where they did be­cause it made po­lit­i­cal cap­i­tal at the time.

It is true that Williams was pre­oc­cu­pied with slav­ery and be­came a slave of slav­ery. Yet, this is the curse of those who do se­ri­ous PhDs on so­cial and po­lit­i­cal top­ics. They be­come colonised by their the­ses and spend the rest of their lives delv­ing deep­er and deep­er on their cho­sen top­ic. The idea of in­her­i­tance is, nev­er­the­less, a use­ful con­struct by which to un­der­stand the chang­ing na­ture of race re­la­tions in Trinidad and To­ba­go. Besson has, un­doubt­ed­ly, writ­ten a use­ful book. It is to be hoped that it will en­cour­age oth­ers who now re­main in self-im­posed ex­ile to have their say and il­lu­mi­nate our his­to­ry, which is, af­ter all, about the his­to­ry of all the groups and per­sons who have con­tributed to the de­vel­op­ment of Trinidad and To­ba­go.


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