T&T-Venezuela relations have always been complex and dynamic. They are deeply rooted in centuries of shared history but also influenced by contemporary economic and security concerns.
For decades, the seven miles of waters between this country and the northeast coast of Venezuela have been a flashpoint for disputes over territorial rights and resource allocation.
The fishing disputes of the not-too-distant past, which were settled only after the two nations negotiated a comprehensive agreement in 1978, are evidence of the challenges faced by neighbouring states with overlapping maritime jurisdictions.
Fishing is no longer a source of friction but ongoing concerns about drug trafficking, human smuggling and other illicit activities that exploit the porous T&T-Venezuela maritime boundaries, further complicated by the geopolitical tensions over the nearby Essequibo region, make for an uneasy coexistence.
It certainly doesn’t help that Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar’s response to unproven claims by Venezuelan officials about groups with “weapons of war” attempting to enter their country through T&T included a warning about deadly force.
That fervent declaration, intended to send a strong message to the Nicolás Maduro regime about this country’s determination to safeguard its territorial sovereignty, has escalated diplomatic tensions between the nations.
This more resolute, hardline stance toward Venezuela by the Persad-Bissessar administration is a departure from the pragmatic, multi-pronged approach of the Dr Keith Rowley government, which sought to carefully balance economic interests and security concerns.
The strongly worded official response from Maduro, who deemed Persad-Bissessar’s comments to be “irate and unjustified,” has raised concerns about a rapid deterioration in longstanding bilateral relations and the wider implications for regional stability.
Given the current US-Venezuela dynamics, this tit-for-tat is likely to resonate with Donald Trump’s administration.
Neighbouring countries, such as Guyana and Colombia, who are also dealing with transnational threats, might also view T&T’s measures favourably.
However, the immediate concern is the extent to which the stance of Persad-Bissessar’s administration could widen the rift with Venezuela, potentially prompting a response from that nation that could escalate from diplomatic tension to confrontation.
That is a situation that T&T, outnumbered by Venezuela on several fronts, should avoid at all costs.
As critically important as it is to protect national sovereignty, the need to maintain stable diplomatic relations should not be overlooked.
Diplomacy should have been the first resort, not the Prime Minister’s off-the-cuff statement at a media briefing. It is the safety valve and communication channel that could have de-escalated tensions and clarified misinterpretations between the countries.
Diplomacy has often proven to be the most effective mechanism to address disputes before they escalate into overt security conflicts, particularly on sensitive issues of maritime security, transnational crime, and irregular migration long simmering between the nations.
Beyond that strategy to defuse the mounting tensions, the current situation also calls for other longer-term solutions.
It is time to modernise and expand maritime surveillance to improve situational awareness in the Gulf of Paria for rapid response to any unauthorised incursions. Another priority should be pursuing deeper levels of engagement through Caricom and bilateral agreements with friendly nations to create a stronger collective security environment.
These are more effective ways for T&T to deal with the rapidly evolving geopolitical challenges in our region.