Joshua Seemungal
Senior Multimedia Journalist
joshua.seemungal@guardian.co.tt
Now that nine suitors have formally expressed interest in the mothballed Pointe-a-Pierre (PAP) Refinery, a potential restart moves closer.
With a restart nearing a reality, is the return of a political and public debate around Petrotrin’s closure.
On Friday, President General of the Oilfields Workers Trade Union (OWTU) Ancel Roget burned photographs of Prime Minister Dr Keith Rowley and Energy Minister Stuart Young to symbolize its disagreement with the refinery acquisition process. He called for a national debate about the refinery’s closure, saying the country was robbed of a major foreign exchange earner.
Throughout the more than five years since the country’s largest-ever state-owned enterprise shut down, there have been impassioned debates about the decision and its impact.
In May, Young published an op-ed defending the closure, while last December, the OWTU hosted a forum where some economists expressed their belief the company ought to have been saved.
As both sides of the divide grapple to gain control the narrative, Guardian Media takes a critical analysis of the company, what it cost the country and whether it should/could have been salvaged.
In the Beginning
The Petroleum Company of Trinidad and Tobago, Petrotrin, was formed on January 21, 1993, as a merger between state-owned oil companies Trintoc and Trintopec.
In November 1993, during the parliamentary debate of the Petrotrin Vesting Bill, former Finance Minister Wendell Mottley said Petrotrin was created to form a financially strong company, catering to operational effectiveness. He said the company would focus on exploration, production, refining, and marketing and would, most importantly, satisfy its obligations to shareholders and the state.
“These are two companies which at one time were profitable, got into difficulties and the concept here is to do some financial engineering by putting certain assets and liabilities into a new company, keeping some of the liabilities out of it or converting some of the liabilities, for that matter the tax liabilities, to provide that company with some strength so that it can chart a course forward.
“The intention is to ensure that there is a company that would concentrate on its core business rather than being, as it were, disturbed by the non-petroleum business,” he said.
Former UNC opposition MP Trevor Sudama asked if the government understood the significance and potential ramifications of the decision.
“The two merged companies are the largest owners of property throughout the island, throughout the nations of the Caribbean, and they have combined total assets of over $4 billion, a combined workforce of 5,500 with an operating capital of $2 billion. So you understand the extent and the significance of what we are doing today; it is putting under one management this enormous asset potential of the companies.
“When the assets of Texaco were purchased by the Trinidad and Tobago Government . . . in 1985 . . . Were the terms and conditions which were agreed upon in the interest of all the people of Trinidad and Tobago? What we entered into as a transaction, was to purchase a rundown and outdated refinery capable of producing merely low-value fuel oil.
“We had antiquated equipment and plant and we are still asking today whether, in that transaction, a proper inventory was made from 1985 up to now of the assets and liabilities at the time of purchase. When that refinery was purchased, the question is whether we paid the proper value for it, in fact, not only for the refinery but also for all the other assets of Texaco. Refinery losses in 1985 were estimated to be US$100 million and yet, we were purchasing these assets,” Sudama warned.
The bill was passed in December 1993.
Trevor Boopsingh was appointed the company’s first chairman. Petrotrin’s launch came when natural gas production was overtaking oil production. In 1995, the Pt Fortin Refinery was shut down, with most of its operations transferred to the Pointe-a-Pierre Refinery.
Some upgrades to the perennially problematic refinery were commissioned by 1998, improving product quality and moving capacity up to 160,000 barrels a day. The upgrades were financed through loan agreements with the Inter-American Development Bank for US$260 million and the European Investment Bank for ECU$38 million. The loans financed secondary oil recovery and refinery modernization projects.
Despite the upgrade, which Petotrin’s board insisted was necessary to keep the company afloat, problems with the refinery built in 1917 persisted. Asset integrity remained a serious and costly issue, affecting operations, production and the company’s bottom line.
Finding evidence of Petrotrin’s financial performances in the 1990s and early 2000s is difficult. Guardian Media’s attempts to source those financial records were futile. We sought the information from several former Petrotrin and Energy Ministry officials but they were unable to assist.
The June 2017 Selwyn Lashley-chaired report on Petrotrin’s operations found that between 2007 and 2017 the company provided the government with around $43 billion in levies, royalties, supplemental petroleum tax and income taxes.
However, the company paid no dividends between 2011 and 2015, and Prime Minister Dr Keith Rowley in a speech on Petrotrin’s closure in September 2018 said the company owed $3.1 billion in taxes and royalties up to February 2017.
Historic wastage and corruption
Petrotrin incurred overrun costs of $14.25 billion on three flagship projects key in attempts to reinvent the company and increase its profitability. Instead, the projects’ costs plunged it into demising debt.
The Gasoline Optimization Programme had a 314 per cent overrun of TT$10.15 billion.
The Gas to Liquid Project, a 174 per cent overrun of TT$2 billion.
The Ultra-Low Sulfur Diesel Project, a 265 percent overrun of TT$2.1 billion.
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All three projects were conceptualised and/or initialised under the chairmanship of the late former Petrotrin Chairman Malcolm Jones who led a board appointed under the Patrick Manning administration.
To compound matters, Petrotrin only managed to operationalise one of the projects - the Gasoline Optimization Programme. The GOP involved the installation of an isomerisation complex, a continuous catalytic reforming platformer complex, an alkylation unit, and a sulphuric acid regeneration plant, the upgrade of the fluid catalytic cracking unit, the installation of offsite facilities, and the upgrade of utility systems.
According to the 2017 Lashley Report, while refinery throughput increased, the GOP did not lead to the predicted increase in the gross refinery margin. When asked if he was satisfied with the work done by Bechtel, the contractor, Former Petrotrin President Khalid Hassanali said not at all.
“Penalties in the contract were very heavily qualified, and during the middle of the project Bechtel wanted to change from lump sum to cost reimbursable, which resulted in a doubling of the cost,” he said.
A US$750 million bond was utilized to finance a portion of the GOP with a six per cent interest rate, a final installment was initially due to be paid by May 2022.
The Gas to Liquid Project was abandoned, after incurring $2.9 billion loss and relegated as no more than “scrap iron.”
In 2005, Petrotrin partnered with World GTL Limited. Petrotrin went in for 49 per cent, but problems arose with the project and GTL. Petrotrin then decided to purchase the entire loan with Credit Suisse. A receiver was appointed in 2009 for the project’s completion, but problems persisted and the receiver mandated that the assets be disposed.
It was sold to NiQuan Energy- Petrotrin received a cash payment of US$10 million, with the remaining US$25 million in Preference Shares.
For its part, NiQuan could not operationalise the plant- it has incurred more than US$400 million in debt, and in April terminated 75 employees, with founder and director Ainsley Gill confirming the company was out of money.
In 2013, under the Persad-Bissesar administration, Petrotrin sued Malcolm Jones, alleging he breached his fiduciary duty in approving the payment of US$109.4 million in overruns in the failed GTL project.
Meanwhile, the Ultra-Low Sulfur Diesel Project is still not operational. It would have allowed Petrotrin to produce improved quality diesel, meeting international quality specifications. It would have also allowed the refinery to process a broader range of crude oils, reducing purchase costs. The ULSD was critical to Petrotrin’s future. It needed the plant to achieve a margin uplift of US$6 per barrel, leading to increasing earnings of up to $3.5 million per month.
The contract awarded to Samsung started in 2009 and had an estimated completion date of 2012. While the project is 98 per cent mechanically completed, it cannot operate because the foundation is faulty due to issues with structural specifications. The wrong seismic resistance was specified. In 2018, PM Rowley estimated that it would cost TT$2.4 billion to rectify.
Petrotrin also sought legal action, under the People’s Partnership government, against Jones for the ULSD. The state’s case collapsed in 2016 after former Attorney General Faris Al-Rawi said he was advised that the case was unlikely to succeed. The High Court ordered the state to pay Jones more than $3 million in legal costs.
A US$850 million bond, including a bullet principal payment payable in August 2019, was used to finance the remaining portion of the GOP as well as the ULSD.
Bad loans
The three flagship projects were not the only examples of wastage and possible corruption at Petrotrin.
In 1993, Petrotrin was involved in a controversial loan deal with Citibank Trinidad. Petrotrin allegedly sought to borrow US$61.5 million but was “pressured” to borrow around US$158 million: US$96.5 million fully cash secured loan to Trintomar; US$49.3 million pre-export financing to Trintoc; and a US$12.3 million pre-export financing to the National Gas Company.
Former Petrotrin Chairman Donald Baldeosingh hired a London-based law firm to investigate the deal. David Hudson, a retired British merchant banker, wrote in a report that he found the contract language incomprehensible and inconsistent with the accepted standards of banking conduct. He discovered that Citibank was paid more than twice as much in interest and fees as it would have received under its initial proposal.
“I conclude, based on the evidence I have seen, that it is probable that the transaction, taken as a whole, was both fraudulent and corrupt,” his report stated.
In 2017, a Petrotrin audit reported that the company paid $100 million to A&V Drilling for oil that was allegedly not supplied. Two reports, one internal and one commissioned by oil and gas consultant Gaffrey Cline, supported the audit’s findings. Petrotrin fired oil transfer specialist and former PNM general election candidate Vidya Deokiesingh following their internal investigation.
Petrotrin terminated a contract with A&V, but A&V won a legal case before the Caribbean Court of Justice and stood to benefit from a significant payout - worth as much as $ 1 billion - for Petrotrin’s failure to pay outstanding bills. The parties settled with A&V receiving $18 million in damages and a new exploration license from Heritage Petroleum.
In the 2017 Lashley Report, it was reported that a deeper investigation would identify the specific management and governance issues accountable for the company’s poor performance.
“Poor choices for members of the board and management, a depletion of experience skills and competence and the frequency and magnitude of bad decisions on capital projects have burdened the company with debt and concomitant servicing obligations without an increase in revenues,” it said.
A financial fiasco in numbers (Put In Box)
According to Petrotrin’s financial statements, audited by KPMG:
● Revenues declined by 51 per cent between 2008 and 2018. In 2008, the company recorded revenues of $40.8 billion. It declined to $20 billion in 2018.
● The company’s financial liabilities were US$14.5 billion and $5 billion in 2017.
According to the 2017 Lashley Report:
● There was a debt ratio of approximately 0.70 (significantly higher than industry norms).
● A cash ratio decline of 0.82 between 2007 and 2015 - indicating a high potential for difficulties in servicing current liabilities
● Times Interest earned decreased by 95 per cent from 2007 to 2015
● Oil production decreased by 26 per cent between 2006 and 2016
● Over fiscal years 2007 to 2016, Petrotrin’s Land, North and East Coast, Trinmar and Farm Outs crude oil production decreased, while that of the lease operators increased.
● Offshore oil production between 2007 and 2016 declined by 15 per cent
● Gross Profit Margins declined by 11 per cent between 2010 and 2015
● TT$3.4 billion is needed over 10 years to upgrade berths, sea lines, port facilities, tanks, pipelines and platforms.
● At the end of 2015, the net working capital position was negative TT$4.6 billion
In addressing the closure of the refinery in September 2018, the Prime Minister said the following about Petrotrin’s finances:
● Averaging $2 billion in losses a year
● Requires $25 billion cash injection to stay alive
● $7 billion was estimated for the required upgrade and maintenance work for the Point-a-Pierre plant
● At the end of 2015, short-term loans at the company amounted to TT$5 billion
Energy and Energy Industries Minister Stuart Young in a recent May op-ed said:
● In 2014 and 2015, Petrotrin suffered losses of $1.56 billion
● Domestic oil production declined by 71 per cent between 2005 (144,000 bopd) and 2016 (42,000 bopd)
● Each barrel of refined product resulted in a loss of US$5 to US$7
Part 2 tomorrow