The lead from President Donald Trump’s extraordinary news conference yesterday is that the United States is going to re-colonise Venezuela. In the early hours of Saturday, US special forces seized President Nicolás Maduro and put him on a ship to the US. Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, have been indicted by a New York court and will be charged with drug offences.
“We’re going to run the country till we can do a safe, proper and judicious transition”, US President Donald Trump told the world from his Florida resort, Mar-a-Lago. Somewhere in the underworld, Simón Bolívar sat bolt upright. Who’s going to run Venezuela until that is determined?
“For a period of time, the people standing behind me will run the country”, he told the reporters. The people behind him were US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Defense (War) Secretary Pete Hegseth and the highest-ranking officer in the world’s biggest military, General Dan Caine, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Caine’s brief stop in Port-of-Spain in November is going to solidify suspicions that there was heavier stuff than doubles on the menu.
Asked if opposition leader and Nobel laureate Maria Corina Machado figured in his plans to run Venezuela, Trump said that Machado “does not have the support or respect within the country.”
The US President’s casual humiliation of Machado contained some truth. Maduro barred Machado from running in the July 2024 elections, and Edmundo González Urrutia took up the electoral challenge. Machado overshadowed the feeble-looking González, then 74, and was clearly the power behind the scenes. The opposition is widely presumed to have won that election, but the electoral body handed it to Maduro. The consensus view of Latin American representatives, some of whom were no friends of the US, was that Maduro had lost.
Just before those elections, Machado tried to greet a group of army officers. They refused her handshake. The opposition may have been the presumed winners, but she clearly considered the Venezuelan military a threat to her life.
After the elections, she hid in a secret location in Venezuela and needed to be smuggled out of the country—in a boat at night and with the help of a former US special forces operative—to travel to the Norwegian capital, Oslo, to collect her Peace Prize.
At the centre of Trump’s plan for running Venezuela was revitalisation of its run-down petroleum industry. Venezuela has the largest reserves in the world, but its equipment and machinery have become old and outdated. It ranked 21st among oil-producing countries last year, and Guyana, an entrant into the market only six years ago and having only a fraction of its reserves, is poised to overtake Venezuela in barrels per day.
Trump said that oil companies would go into Venezuela, fix the old, outdated and dysfunctional plant, start pumping oil at a higher volume and make money for the country. In one hour, the US President confirmed some awful “Yanqui” stereotypes as being true. American, militarised, petro-driven control of a country, until they install a government they approve of.
Trump admitted two weeks ago to what a number of critics of his Venezuela policy said was his real motivation. It was about the oil.
“They took our oil rights, removed our companies, and we want them back.” It was a reference to a number of contentious cases of nationalisation of American companies’ petroleum assets. The oil companies, wary of a reputation of being the tip of the spear of American imperialism, are going to feel some discomfort about how news of their involvement came out. However, profits and revenue have great healing properties.
The so-called Donroe Doctrine—Trump’s version of the Monroe Doctrine—is taking shape. It’s about global re-positioning for resources advantage—in Venezuela, Ukraine, Greenland and Gaza—and it involves rare earth metals, oil and real estate.
The US President said something interesting. On the way to New York, a decision will be made about Maduro. The due process pathway may not be that clear. Several parts of the US policy towards Venezuela have proved to be legally shaky. The seizure and trial of a foreign president in a US jurisdiction looks likely to be another one.
