On September 4, Governor of the Central Bank of T&T, Larry Howai, held an engagement with the local media during which he revealed that the Bank’s intervention in T&T’s foreign exchange market amounted to about US$2.2 billion a year. That money, he confirmed, comes from the country’s foreign reserves.
Just to refresh the recollection of readers, Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar said she had mandated three of her ministers to produce a report on foreign exchange distribution and leakage over the past ten years, which she proposed to make public.
“Then this report, as I say, will be made public to identify the main users, the main facilitators of this unfair distribution, and explain to the public how this entire foreign exchange distribution cartel and conspiracy between certain operatives and businesses was functioning,” she said.
At his media engagement, Governor Howai clearly stated that the Central Bank does not have any evidence of the existence of a foreign exchange cartel in T&T, contradicting the Prime Minister’s comments.
On Sunday, following the EximBank’s publication of lists of the top 30 recipients of importers of essential goods and pharmaceuticals and the top 30 manufacturers who received foreign exchange from the EximBank, Guardian Media Ltd’s newly appointed lead editor, politics, Akash Samaroo, sent the Prime Minister questions on the foreign exchange issue.
“There are tens of thousands of businesses in our country, but many are grounded into failure and bankruptcy by the cartels at banking institutions. It’s clear that the management at EximBank has failed to function properly and fairly. These forex cartels at the commercial banks are even worse than at the EximBank.
“For greater transparency and accountability, we will propose legislation in the Parliament to make the Central Bank of Trinidad and Tobago legally disclose to the public the forex allocations. This will expose the forex cartels and show citizens how the banks have worked to crush SME’s and concentrate wealth in the hands of a few people.”
When I first read her comments, I wondered why the Government would need legislation to make the Central Bank “legally disclose to the public the forex allocation,” when the Ministry of Finance knows how much money each of the commercial banks gets from the Central Bank. That arrangement has been in place for over a decade.
It is clear to me that what the current administration proposes to legislate is not only an amendment to the Central Bank Act, but also an amendment to the Financial Institutions Act (FIA), which states at section 8 (1):
“No director, officer or employee of the Central Bank or person acting under the direction of the Central Bank shall disclose any information regarding the business or affairs of a licensee or any of its affiliates or information regarding a depositor, customer or other person dealing with a licensee, that is obtained in the course of official duties.”
Section 8 (2) of the FIA states: “Notwithstanding subsection (1) or any other written law, the Central Bank, or a person authorised in writing by the Central Bank may disclose the information referred to in subsection (1) to—
(a) any local or foreign regulatory agency or body that regulates financial entities, for purposes related to that regulation;
(b) the Deposit Insurance Corporation for purposes related to its operations; or
(c) the designated authority under the Proceeds of Crime Act,
If the Central Bank is satisfied that the information will be treated as confidential by the agency or body to whom it is disclosed and used strictly for the purpose for which it is disclosed.”
The FIA at section 8 (5) also allows the disclosure of information obtained by the Central Bank obtained “as a result of any industry-wide or sectoral survey conducted by the Central Bank in relation to an issue or circumstance that could have an impact on the financial condition of financial institutions generally or the financial system of Trinidad and Tobago.”
But section 8 (7) of the FIA states: “Nothing in this section authorises the Central Bank, or any person acting under the direction of the Central Bank, to disclose information about a particular depositor or creditor of a licensee, except where such disclosure is required by any written law or ordered by the Court.”
For the purpose of this commentary, and the foreign exchange allocation debate that is raging in T&T, section 8 (7) of the FIA is most important. That subsection outlines the common law position, which is that central banks are required to maintain the confidentiality of the information received from commercial banks. And that “information about a particular depositor or creditor of a licensee,” can only be disclosed “where such disclosure is required by any written law or ordered by the Court.”
In October 2023, the Privy Council delivered a judgment in the Mauritius case of Stanford Asset Holdings Ltd and another v AfrAsia Bank Ltd.
In that matter, the Privy Council held that the Supreme Court of Mauritius was wrong to refuse to grant a ‘Norwich Pharmacal’ order requiring a Mauritian bank to disclose information about a customer’s account to the victims of an alleged fraud, to assist them in tracing misappropriated funds.
In its judgment, the Privy Council stated that it is well-established that an obligation of confidentiality is owed at common law, before quoting the Mauritius Supreme Court’s judgment in the case:
“It has been consistently held in Mauritius that, in line with the well-established principles both in English common law and the approach adopted in French jurisprudence and doctrine, there is an implied term of confidentiality between a banker and his customer (vide for instance State Bank International Ltd v Pershing Limited [1996 SCJ 331]).
“The bank owes a duty of secrecy and confidence to its customer such that the bank is precluded from divulging or disclosing any information concerning the customer’s account to any third party save in certain exceptional circumstances.”
It is, therefore, a well-established legal principle in the T&T, which follows English common law, that a commercial bank’s duty of secrecy and confidence to its customers prevents it, the bank, “from divulging or disclosing any information concerning the customer’s account to any third party, save in certain exceptional circumstances.”
The exceptions by which a court can force a commercial bank to divulge private and confidential information of a customer have been enshrined in what is called a Norwich Pharmacal order.
A Google search reveals that a court will only grant a Norwich Pharmacal order if the following conditions are generally met:
1. Arguably wrong: There must be cogent and compelling evidence that serious wrongful activity has occurred;
2. “Mixed up” third party: The third party from whom the information is sought must have become involved in or “mixed up in” the wrongdoing. A mere bystander or a witness is not sufficient;
3. Necessity in the interests of justice: Disclosure must be necessary to facilitate the vindication of rights, for example, to identify a wrongdoer and enable proceedings;
4. Not a “fishing expedition”: The order should not be for the purpose of merely investigating whether wrongdoing has occurred.
Although this commentator has no legal training, following the logic of the Privy Council judgment and the application of the Norwich Pharmacal orders, it seems clear to me that no court in T&T is going to allow the Government to force commercial banks to disclose information on who are its largest purchasers of foreign exchange.
The Norwich Pharmacal orders clearly preclude fishing expeditions through which the Government would seek to investigate whether wrongdoing has occurred.
Can T&T’s commercial banks be compelled to disclose their top purchasers of foreign exchange to the Central Bank, if both parties know that the intention is to “name and shame” T&T’s top purchasers of foreign exchange?
I think not, but we shall see.