It is impossible to assess the performance of Colm Imbert as this nation’s longest continuously serving minister of finance without looking at the economy he inherited when he was appointed by former Prime Minister Dr Keith Christopher Rowley in September 2015.
In the two financial years before Mr Imbert became T&T’s minister of finance, the previous administration of the People’s Partnership collected $47.97 billion in current energy revenues—$28.05 billion from October 1, 2023 to September 30, 2014 and $19.50 billion between October 1 2014 and September 30, 2015.
According to the 2019 Review of the Economy, in the first two years of Mr Imbert’s stewardship—which would have been from October 1, 2015 to September 30, 2017—the Government collected $15.63 billion in current energy revenues. That means the revenues from the energy sector, then and now the main driver of the domestic economy, declined by 67.41 per cent in Mr Imbert’s first two years.
For the five years October 1, 2010 to September 30, 2015—which is a period that roughly coincides with the People’s Partnership administration—that political party spent an estimated $285.31 billion while collecting $265.28 billion in revenue, according to Business Guardian calculations of appendix 21 of the 2016 Review of the Economy.
That same dataset indicates that of the $265.28 billion in revenue in that period, current energy revenues accounted for $128.68 billion in fiscal 2010 to 2015. That is about 48.5 per cent of total revenue.
In the first five years of Mr Imbert’s control of the T&T Treasury—that is the period from October 1, 2015 to September 30, 2020—the Government collected $205.44 billion. In that five-year period, the PNM administration collected $51.27 billion in current energy revenues, according to the 2021 Review of the Economy. That means that 24.95 per cent of the total revenue collected in Mr Imbert’s first five years came from current energy revenues.
If my calculations are correct, that also means that at $51.27 billion, the Ministry of Finance under Mr Imbert would have collected 60.15 per cent less in current energy revenues than the $128.68 billion that T&T earned in the five years of the People’s Partnership administration.
Transfers and subsidies
The 2016 Review of the Economy also indicates that of the $285.31 billion spent during the period October 1, 2010 to September 30, 2015, a total of $147.72 billion was spent on transfers and subsidies.
That means 51.77 per cent of the total expenditure in the five years of the People’s Partnership’s stewardship went to transfers and subsidies.
By my calculation, the T&T government, with Mr Imbert controlling the economy’s financial reins, spent a total of $253.35 billion in the five-year period October 1, 2015 to September 30, 2020. Of that amount, $131.32 billion was spent on transfers and subsidies, amounting to 51.83 per cent of the total spent. That would have been 11.1 per cent less than was spent by the People’s Partnership.
Hard road to hoe
From the above, there is no doubt that in the first five years of his nine and half term, Mr Imbert had less money to spend, given the dramatic decline in current energy sector revenues. That would have meant less foreign exchange and also a reduced amount of money that could be spent on transfers and subsidies.
That line item in the budget, transfers and subsidies, is how the current and past administrations have maintained low electricity and water rates, “free” education and healthcare, including the Chronic Disease Assistance Programme (CDAP), reduced cost of inter-island transportation by air and ferry, lower fuel prices than the economic cost, lower cost housing for middle-and-lower-income households etc.
Transfers and subsidies, in my view, have been the means by which administrations past and present, have transferred money from the energy rents to the population and limited the impact of higher prices on the majority of the population.
Imbert’s pros
Moderate inflation—In the nine years from 2016 to 2024, the average annual inflation rate (as measured by the per cent change in the consumer price index) was 2.28 per cent;
The reasons for this moderate rate of inflation include the amount of money spent on transfers and subsidies and maintaining tight control over the public sector wage bill (which some may see as a con);
Fiscal prudence—Apart from 2020 and 2021, when the fiscal deficit totalled over $29 billion, according to the 2024 Review of the Economy, the current administration maintained a tight grip on expenditure to ensure that Government borrowing did not get out of hand. He did not, for example, promise public servants a double-digit wage increase in the 2025 budget, when he knew that that would have curried favour with a significant percentage of the working, and voting, population.
Imbert’s cons
Lack of growth—The former minister of finance has been criticised by a member of the Opposition United National Congress for presiding over an economy that he argues was the seventh worst performing economy in the world for the period 2016 and to 2024. That seems to have generated a great deal of heat. In my view, to base the performance of an economy solely on its growth rate ignores many other salient variables such as the rate of inflation, the level of unemployment and the level of transfers and subsidies, which support the standard of living in a country. On the other hand, T&T economy has indeed grown slowly in the last 10 years;
Exchange rate uncompetitive—The domestic economy has grown slowly in the last 10 years, because Mr Imbert, and the Cabinet of which he is a part, have not been as successful as they should have been in attracting new investment in both the energy and non-energy sectors. In my view, this is because the current administration has ruled out, and continues to rule out, allowing a carefully managed flotation of the country’s main exchange rate (the US$ to TT$). As has been argued in this space, and the other one, for the last 12 years this month, a managed flotation makes the cost of imports more expensive and the cost of exports more competitive. In doing so, flotation encourages exports and discourages non-essential imports; it encourages investment in exports and it drives the repatriation of capital; and
Echo chamber—Mr Imbert’s main failing is that he failed to expose his ideas to the robust critique of people outside of a small circle in the PNM. The Government ignored the free advice, provided by the highly respected duo of economists Wendell Mottley and Euric Bobb in the pages of this publication last November that “…as stakeholders continue to demand that ‘the Government do something’ we must not lose sight of the fact that experience teaches us that an administrative system is burdensome, inefficient and less effective than the market-based system in place over most of the last few decades.”
And I am sure the Government did not ask, for example, the advice of the now defunct Economic Development Advisory Board, which was chaired by top-notch economist Dr Terrence Farrell, about the efficacy of T&T’s exchange rate with specific reference to the flotation in April 1993.